As we conclude the extremely difficult year 2024, the South African Federation of Trade Unions (SAFTU) sends its revolutionary greetings to its members, workers in general, and every South African of goodwill. We also send best wishes to workers and their families—particularly the 12.2 million unemployed—even though we are fully aware of their nightmare. We stretch our arms of solidarity and sympathy to touch families who lost their loved ones on the ongoing road carnage and those who lost their sons during the circumcision rituals in the Eastern Cape.
While the majority suffer, the top 10% of richest South Africans, who own 90% of all wealth, celebrate their gains worldwide, displaying opulence and, at times, their illgotten gains offshored through still-rampant Illicit Financial Flows.
This period is the most painful for workers, particularly the unemployed and youth trapped in a structural, long-term capitalist crisis. 80% of the unemployed have been unemployed for over a year.
There is no hope emerging on the horizon. We are reminded that South Africa is at the precipice as we conclude the year. We have inadequate space to highlight more than just a few of these parts of what can be termed a systematic polycrisis of South African capitalism. But it is a global crisis, so we must also reflect on where we stand in a world where mismanagement of the chaos has enormous implications – especially because next November, the elites who are responsible, the G20, come to Sandton to backslap each other.
The biggest challenge the country faces is that of structural unemployment, whose face remains the black majority: women, youth and people living in the former Bantustans and in mushrooming informal settlements around all our cities and towns. The numbers of people living in poverty and skipping a meal a day continue to rise, notwithstanding government social programmes.
South Africa has remained the most unequal society, measured by income or wealth. Inequality soared not only after neoliberalism was adopted more than 30 years ago in the first Government of National Unity but also when the ANC maintained and then amplified apartheid-era National Party economic policies. New data from the Swiss bank UBS show that wealth (not just income) inequality has soared in South Africa since the 2008 global financial crisis, overtaking petro-dictatorships to become the world’s worst. *Gini index: higher scores indicate higher inequality, and lower scores indicate a more equal distribution of wealth. The worst inequality would be 100: only one person in society owns all the wealth.
This is all thanks to the stubborn African National Congress leadership that will not change tack despite the overwhelming evidence that the macroeconomic programmes they have pursued since 1994 have dismally failed. They have remained highly loyal to the Washington Consensus: the neoliberal dogma and, since 2008, the austerity programmes that have made the already terrible situation even worse. This is even more obvious with the Government of National Unity’s insistence on staying the course of a failed austerity programme with one of the world’s highest interest rates, a reactionary policy that the International Monetary Fund and Treasury agreed to in mid-2020.
Flowing directly from the above, South Africa faces an unprecedented social crisis. Consider just a few symptoms:
1. The levels of criminality, in particular violent crimes, the rate of femicide and rape continue to break all world records. South Africans are under siege, and the criminal justice system, which is dysfunctional, fails them every day.
2. Approximately 365 teenage girls give birth daily, with about 10 of these births to girls younger than 15. (See the article written by Bheki Sisa). In the 2023/24 financial year, over 122,000 teenagers became mothers, including 2,716 girls aged 10 to 14 and 119,587 aged 15 to 19. This equates to nearly one in four girls falling pregnant before the age of 20, placing South Africa among the countries with the highest rates of teenage pregnancy globally.
3. Substance abuse, particularly among the youth, has reached pandemic levels. A 2012 national survey reported that 4.4% of individuals had used drugs in the past three months, with a higher prevalence among men (7.9%) compared to women (1.3%). Cannabis was the most commonly used drug at 4.0%. A study found that 62.7% of students reported using substances, with alcohol being the most prevalent at 80.6%, followed by cannabis at 46%. Additionally, students who used substances reported higher levels of depression and anxiety. The South African Youth Risk Behaviour Survey indicates that 25.1% of Grade 8–11 learners had engaged in binge drinking, defined as consuming five or more drinks in a single session.
4. The carnage on our roads also underlines the catastrophic levels of unemployment, alcohol, and substance abuse. South Africa experiences approximately 25.1 road deaths per 100,000 population, ranking 42nd globally. South African economy has lost around 1 trillion rands over the past 7 years, averaging over ZAR 142 billion annually or 3.4% of the GDP. So desperate the situation, the Road Accident Fund, as reported by SABC News, has raised concern over South Africans who throw themselves in front of moving cars to make claims as a survivalist but hazardous activity.
5. South Africa is facing unprecedented levels of government neglect. As an example, many parts of Gauteng, the economic hub of South Africa, have joined so many rural areas that do not have drinking water and sanitation. Water and electricity are among the most necessities of life. We expected that constitutional guarantees would ensure these fundamentals are accessed by those sidelined by apartheid. Now, the year we mark the 30th anniversary of democracy, increasing numbers of people are denied access to water and electricity, which is priced out of the reach of the majority.
6. No wonder these crises are worsening. From 2020 to 26, per-person spending on state services is expected to shrink by 18.3% due to the austerity and extreme debt repayment regime imposed by the Treasury at the behest of the International Monetary Fund following the mid-2020 $4.3 billion loan. We are, therefore, like many African and Third World states, su3ering a debt crisis that amplifies neoliberal ideology. The trade union movement and other working-class formations have been weakened by objective and subjective factors. Some self-designed factors have paralysed large sections of the working-class formations, making it di3icult and sometimes impossible to respond to this unfolding tragedy. If there is a single most crucial task facing the leadership of the working class in 2025, it is the challenge of returning the trade union movement to its glory years, epitomised by the spirit just over fifty years ago when the 1973 Durban strikes catalysed a revival of our labour struggles.
Without principled unity in purpose, and without ridding itself of hostile cultures and tendencies that threaten to render workers’ movement obsolete, and without rooting out corruption and business unionism within our ranks, the trade unions will follow this region’s liberation movements to the graveyard. Without the unity of the trade union to strengthen the worker’s voice and working class in the workplace and our communities, the sun will eventually set, and workers will be left at the mercy of the brutal capitalist system.
Electoral prospects are not encouraging in the short to medium term. There are at least two political parties emanating from organised labour which may compete in 2026 for worker votes: the Socialist Revolutionary Workers Party, initiated by the National Union of Metalworkers of South Africa (SAFTU’s leading member union) and the Labour Party, initiated by the Association of Mineworkers and Construction Union. The former received a disappointing 24,000 votes in the 2019 election but did not mobilise this year; the latter attempted 2024 ballot access but missed gaining it for what appear to be technical reasons.
The larger parties will likely continue dominating in the 2026 municipal elections. However, because of the neoliberal orientation of the two main parties within the Government of National Unity, the ANC (which received just 40% support in 2024) and the Democratic Alliance (22%), SAFTU did not endorse either. Nor could we endorse other GNU members with populist messages, especially (the traditionally Zuluethnicist) Inkatha Freedom Party (4%), the (xenophobic) Patriotic Alliance (2%) and the (tiny) Pan Africanist Congress and GOOD parties (each 0.2%) – in part because then and now, they have o3ered no consistent critique of government’s neoliberal orientation.
There are also, we believe, major problems with two parties positioned against the ANC: the MK Party (15%), which su3ers leadership from the disastrous 2009-18 ANC government, especially Jacob Zuma (as well as his leading functionaries, many of whom carry with them very dubious reputations for looting the state); and the Economic Freedom Fighters (10%), whose programme had pleasing elements to promote workingclass interests, but which raised controversy over alleged leadership’s authoritarian style and alleged corruption in relation to the VBS Bank. The working class desperately needs a mass-based party home – where alliances are expected to be made with the many genuine progressive forces that exist in civil and political society – but has not found one as of yet.
Global Polycrisis and South Africa’s Leadership The world faces multiple overlapping crises marked by environmental degradation, imperialism, and social inequality. Given its leadership roles in global platforms like BRICS, the G20, and climate summits, South Africa has the potential to address these issues. However, its ruling class often fails, prioritising corporate interests and international alliances over justice and working-class needs. For instance, while South African lawyers advocate against Israeli genocide in The Hague, the government profits from coal exports to Israel, undermining its stance. In Palestine, longstanding demands for Boycott-Divestment-Sanctions (BDS), cessation of diplomatic ties with Israel, and prosecution of mercenaries serving in the Israeli Defense Forces remain ignored. Instead, Trade Minister Parks Tau defended coal exports to Israel, contradicting the global call for trade restrictions against apartheid states. Imperialist Influences and Hypocrisy in Leadership South Africa’s approach to major global powers like the U.S. and Russia reflects a subservience to imperialism. President Ramaphosa’s attempts to charm Donald Trump contrast sharply with the need for decisive resistance against U.S. bullying tactics, such as threats of sanctions against BRICS nations. Similarly, South Africa’s alignment with Russia in the Ukraine conflict undermines its claims of neutrality and justice.
Despite calls for peace in Ukraine, South Africa’s abstentions at the UN enable Russian militarism, while its continued economic and military ties with Moscow contradict its stance against aggression. Such contradictions extend to other global conflicts, including Sudan and Myanmar, where South Africa has failed to oppose repression or support democratic movements e3ectively. BRICS and Human Rights Violations The BRICS bloc, led by South Africa and other major emitters, perpetuates environmental destruction and human rights abuses. New members, such as Saudi Arabia, Iran, and the UAE, have appalling records on labour and civil rights. South Africa’s failure to align BRICS with progressive values highlights its complicity in global exploitation. In Sudan, the Wagner Group and UAE-backed militias destabilise the country, undermining the democratic aspirations of its people. Similarly, in Myanmar, South Africa’s refusal to support sanctions against the junta betrays its legacy of fighting apartheid. The ongoing atrocities against the Rohingya and Burmese workers demand solidarity and decisive action.
Regional Exploitation and Resource Looting South Africa’s involvement in its region mirrors historical patterns of exploitation. In Mozambique, protests against election results and economic exploitation highlight the failures of neoliberal governance. Companies like Sasol, TotalEnergies, and ExxonMobil continue to loot resources while military interventions exacerbate local conflicts. The same applies to South Africa’s role in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC), where troops protect exploitative mining operations despite widespread human rights abuses. Rising Resistance Movements Youth-led protests across Africa, including in Kenya, Nigeria, and Mozambique, signal growing opposition to corruption, austerity, and environmental destruction. These movements, marked by resilience and courage, challenge oppressive regimes and demand justice. South Africa’s labour movement, alongside other progressive forces, must amplify support for these struggles. Toward Justice and Solidarity South Africa must end its contradictions and embrace genuine solidarity with oppressed peoples to reclaim its moral authority. This includes intensifying BDS campaigns against Israel, supporting peace and sovereignty in Ukraine while rejecting NATO’s eastward expansionism and championing the rights of workers and communities globally. Domestically, a shift away from corporate-driven policies is essential to align with justice, equality, and environmental sustainability values. The international crisis demands coordinated e3orts to dismantle imperialism, confront climate change, and uphold human rights. South Africa’s working class and progressive movements must lead this charge, challenging their government’s failures and advocating for a just global order.
Conclusion
There are major battles that must be fought in 2025:
1. Given the increased need for jobs and a professionally staffed developmental state, We must resist the drive to reduce the number of public servants through early retirements and natural attrition. We call for maximum unity and a massive demonstration against the government’s budget speech, which the Minister of Finance will present on 24 February 2025.
2. We must mobilise and ensure maximum unity among all public sector unions and federations to ensure the government improves its latest 5.5% wage offer. The long-term demands for proper housing schemes and improvements in government medical aid (until the National Health Insurance is in place) must not be sacrificed this time.
3. We must unite the working class to launch a relentless struggle against the Government of National Unity’s neocolonial and neoliberal programmes. Only the total overhaul of the settler-colonial economy –to meet all the basic needs of the people instead of narrow profit maximisation – will end the carnage of unemployment, poverty and inequalities. To illustrate, since 1990, South Africa’s manufacturing sector has experienced a significant decline in employment, as its share of GDP fell from 24% to 12% today. Hiring a new generation of productive workers must become the top priority. Since the private sector is on a capital strike with extremely low fixed investment, the state will have to step in, as it did to solve the Poor White Problem a century ago. Partly because of excessive liberalisation and joining the World Trade Organisation on disadvantageous terms, the textiles and clothing subsectors, known for their labour-intensive nature, have been among the hardest hit. Between 1996 and 2005, these industries experienced a 37% reduction in jobs. From 2005 to 2021, they accounted for 120,000 of the more than 300,000 manufacturing jobs lost.
4. The working class must unite to fight hunger and inequalities. Central to this is winning the demand for the introduction of the monthly universal income grant of R1500 and a more comprehensive social security system, paid for by taxing corporations and the wealthy and the new economic activity that follows from the much greater circulation of such funds than if they were locked up in the stock market or taken out of the country.
5. We must continue to fight for the nationalisation of the mineral wealth underneath the soil, which was partially won in 2002. However, foreign mining houses still determine all uses of resource wealth (including profit repatriation) instead of the state. As the crisis of mass informal mineworker deaths at Stilfontein continues to remind us, there are 6,000 abandoned mines in South Africa. These sites often pose significant environmental and safety hazards like acid mine drainage and land subsidence. The MPRDA and related legislation like the National Environmental Management Act (NEMA) require mining companies to submit and implement rehabilitation and closure plans, make financial provisions for environmental liabilities, and secure closure certificates to ensure proper decommissioning and land restoration. The number of mine closure certificates issued by South Africa’s Department of Mineral Resources and Energy (DMRE) under the Mineral and Petroleum Resources Development Act (MPRDA) has been notably low. For instance, between 2011 and 2016, fewer than 30 closure certificates were granted despite the large number of abandoned or inactive mines in the country. This slow issuance of closure certificates highlights challenges in enforcing legal requirements and achieving environmental rehabilitation goals. We must demand that these abandoned mines and all other mineral resources – estimated to be worth more than $3 trillion yearly– be nationalised and placed under democratic worker and community control.
6. We are encouraged by the stance taken by the Premier of Limpopo regarding the shocking statistics of teenage pregnancies in our country. We call all our structure to join the fight against this scourge. We see this as an integral part of the overall crisis of gender-based violence and femicide that must rooted out, including a struggle against capitalism and patriarchy.
